Why Saudi Arabia is Taking
a Risk by Backing the Egyptian Coup?
King Abdullah fears the Muslim Brotherhood, which challenges the
kingdom's claim to be the protector of Islam By David Hearst
" The Guardian " - It took almost 60 years for
the CIA to own up to its role in the British-backed coup that overthrew Iran's prime
minister Mohammed Mossadegh on August 19, 1953. But Saudi Arabia's
backing for the recent Egyptian coup, which its head of intelligence, Prince
Bandar bin Sultan, had worked so tirelessly to achieve, was instantaneous. When
Adli Mansour, the former head of Egypt's supreme court, was sworn in as interim
president, King Abdullah sent him a message praising
the Egyptian army for having saved the country from a
dark tunnel.
The Saudi monarch followed this up last Friday with a speech whose bluntness was atypical of the man. "Let
the entire world know," he proclaimed "that the people and government
of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stood and still stand today with our brothers in
Egypt against terrorism, extremism and sedition, and against whomever is trying
to interfere in Egypt's internal affairs." This was unusual, not only
because Abdullah was aiming his words at his other ally, the United States, and
the Gulf state's regional rival Qatar, whom he accused of "fanning the
fire of sedition and promoting terrorism, which they claim to be fighting".
It was rare because the monarch, who prefers behind the scenes diplomacy, was
so explicit.
The kingdom has backed its words with
money, and oil. It has already put together an $12bn (£7.7bn) aid package along
with the UAE and Kuwait which is four times as much as the military and
economic grants from the US and the EU combined ($1.5bn and $1.3bn
respectively). On his return from meeting the French president at the weekend,
the foreign minister, Saudi al-Faisal, vowed to compensate Egypt for any loss
of EU or US money. Barack Obama's impotence in the Middle East is being paraded
by the US's closest Arab military ally.
Prince Bandar has also been to Moscow . Being on opposite sides of the civil war
in Syria (the kingdom is seeking the fall of Bashar al-Assad, who Russia
supports militarily) was no impediment to a productive visit. Both sides agreed
to keep the oil price high, found common ground in their hatred for the Muslim
Brotherhood, whom top Russian Arabists in the ministry of foreign affairs
equate with Islamic extremists. Russia feels it has every reason to fear
political Islam, with a population of indigenous Muslims from the Caucasus,
which is rising as a proportion of the Russian Federation's total population,
and expected to hit 19m or 14% of the population by 2020. "Are you
mad?" an MFA official told his US counterpart "to support the guys
with beards over the guys with ties?".
Why has the kingdom, famed for its caution
on the diplomatic stage, put all its eggs in one basket, which, considering the
volatility in Egypt, remains fragile and unpredictable. Who knows which side in
Egypt will prevail, and if that is so, why back the coup leader General Abdel
Fattah al-Sisi so publicly? Sisi thanked the kingdom in fulsome terms. He said
that the Saudi intervention was unprecedented since the Yom Kippur 1973 war
with Israel. Praise indeed.
For Dr Maha Azzam , associate fellow of the Middle East and
North Africa programme at Chatham House, the kingdom's fire-breathing support
for the coup comes as little surprise. Not only had they been astonished by Washington's
abandonment of the kingdom's closest regional ally in Hosni Mubarak, a point
they made very clear during his trial. They had seen him replaced, at the
polls, by the Brotherhood, which challenged the kingdom's claim to be the
protector of Islam.
Azzam said: "What they had was a
lethal equation, democracy plus Islamism, albeit under the Muslim Brotherhood.
That was a lethal concoction in undermining the kingdom's own legitimacy in the
long run. They know full well they do not want democracy, but to have another
group representing Islam was intolerable."
King Abdullah has good reason to fear the
Brotherhood, which has been getting unprecedented support in Saudi Arabia since
the 3 July coup. Sympathy for Mohamed Morsi has filled Twitter feeds in the
country. Support for Morsi on social media has its own emblem, a four-fingered
salute, known as the sign of Rabaa .
It is one thing to upset the middle class
and the intelligentsia, but quite another to have the country's religious
scholars denounce you. A group of 56 of them did so, by issuing a statement
describing the events of 3 July as "unquestionably a military coup and an unlawful and
illicit criminal act ". The king has also been attacked in
a sermon by a sheikh at the al-Masjid al-Nabawi mosque in Medina, Islam's
second holiest site.
The royal family have responded to the
campaign they are facing on social media by sacking a Kuwaiti TV preacher with
Brotherhood links. Tareq al-Suwaidan, who has more than 1.9 million Twitter
followers, was told that there is no place for those who carry deviant thoughts
at the Al Resalah channel .
But this is a dangerous strategy. As
president, Morsi resisted calling his regional enemies out for the money and
support they gave to Egyptian opposition politicians, parties and private
television channels for good reason. Up to 2 million Egyptians are employed as
guest workers in the kingdom and their remittances were important for an
economy on its knees. He feared that the Saudis would kick them out if he
accused them of undermining his presidency. However today, Egyptian ex-pats are
not the Brotherhood's problem or responsibility. What could well follow is an
unrestrained campaign by its members to destabilise the Saudi and UAE regimes.
Azzam said: "For the US and EU, there
is very little grey area. Either you have authoritarian regimes, including
Assad or you have the Arab spring. The authoritarian regimes are saying: 'If we
use enough force, we can quell the tide of democracy.' For Washington it means
that there is no regional player that can now mediate with the Egyptian
military. No one that can play the role of good cop."
The battles lines have now been clearly
drawn throughout the Arab world. The military coup in Egypt, and Saudi support
for it, represents an attempt to turn the clock back, to halt the wave of
democratisation heralded by the toppling of Arab dictators. It is unlikely to
be the final word or battle in what promises to be an epic struggle.
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