Afghanistan
and its Future
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Nikolai BOBKIN | 07.10.2013 | 00:00
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The international scientific
conference on Afghanistan will take place in Bishkek on October 10. The
invitation list includes ministers, general secretaries and special
representatives of the United Nations, the European Union, the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, NATO, and the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Commonwealth
of Independent States, special Afghanistan envoys and ambassadors to Kyrgyzstan.
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The President of Afghanistan Hamid Karzai has decided to suspend the security
agreements talks with the United States giving rise to exasperation on the
part of Washington. Barack Obama threatens him with the «zero option» meaning
no US soldier will be left on the Afghan soil by the end of 2014. The Kabul’s
decision to refuse a direct dialogue with the Taliban which envisions the
role of intermediary for the United States causes frustration that could
expedite the withdrawal of NATO-led coalition. The US military top brass
suggest the pull out should take place before the yearly fighting season,
leaving the country to its fate as they have already done in Iraq.
There is a real possibility the
Afghan government forces will be left face to face with the Taliban in 5-6
months. The events may unfold according to Syrian scenario. As it is forecast
in Moscow, terrorism may «spill over» from one country to another…
The question is will the United States withdraw fully and simultaneously, or
it’ll be a phased and gradual process with about 9-10 thousand men left
behind.
The 100 thousand strong
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and the Afghanistan military
are responsible for stability today; the latter is urgently expanding to
about 260000 active personnel strength by 2015. With the current strength of
150000 the Afghan military seems to be a formidable force but it lacks
professional skills. The US trainers admit the recruits get less combat
training to increase their numbers. According to ISAF, the yearly loss is 34,
8% due to desertion, combat casualties, wound retirement and poor retainment
rate.
Some areas and military
facilities gradually get under Afghan forces control. By March 2014 the
Afghan forces have to take over full responsibility for security, though the
fighting against the Taliban never ceases. 2013 was the bloodiest year since
the coalition forces moved to the country. The Taliban is becoming more
active, the coalition forces shy away from combat leaving it to the Afghans
who are unprepared to fight the enemy alone. Let’s have a look at the
casualties. It was 13-27 per month since fighting resumed in the spring of
2013 for the coalition, while the figure was over 100 dead and around 300
wounded for the Afghan national army, national police and local self-defense
units. The Afghan armed forces death toll exceeds three times the losses of
coalition in 2010 and 2011, when the US casualty rate was the highest. Kabul
stopped to inform about the military losses to avoid undermining morale. The
ISAF military think the Afghan forces cannot hold out for long suffering the
casualties at present rate.
The Afghan leadership has no
confidence in the armed forces too, there is no guarantee the military will
not change sides and join the Taliban. Let’s not forget there is a civil war
going on, the outside aid failed to address a lot of problems. The majority
of experts believe peace and stability are impossible without the Taliban
becoming part of the political process. The government thinks the direct
talks between Washington and the Taliban (without its participation) is a
threat to the country’s sovereignty. The United States believes the direct
talks are the best way to put an end to violence. It’s possible the Taliban
will take part in the upcoming presidential election in April 2014. The
incumbent President cannot run for the third term according to the
Constitution and there is no visible successor, and, perhaps, a viable
candidate may come from the Taliban ranks, you never know.
Karzai is a Pashtun and a Sunni
Muslim; he does not exclude a direct (without the US participation) dialogue
with the Taliban, whose members are also Pashtun and Sunni. The presence of
NATO was an obstacle on the way of talks but it made him a two-term
president. Now the situation is changed, Karzai is leaving in a year at the
time ISAF is slated to pull out. Obama is sure a security agreement is to be
reached by October, but Karzai is in no hurry to take on clearly defined
responsibility till the presidential election is over. This attitude is
clearly seen when he says that if the document is agreed on during his
tenure, then it’ll be O.K. If not – the new leadership will step in and make
the decision. Washington continues to insist the decision should be taken
before the election but to no avail. As an oriental man, Karzai is not prone
for hasty decisions, besides he has his own calculations. Americans need to
know how many servicemen are to stay after the withdrawal but Karzai wants to
know what award he is going to get for his presidential approval in case the
security agreement is reached. Probably it is to be measured by billions of
dollars.
Until now the American war
expenditure was up to $12 million. Former US Ambassador to Afghanistan Ronald
E. Neumann believes the sum will be defined by the size of the remaining
force to go up to at least $5 billion a year aside from the embassy’s
expenditure. The next year the United States and its allies will have to
spend $7, 7 billion to cover up the Afghan military costs while the Kabul’s
share will not exceed $2 billion.
The Karzai’s government keeps
on plunging into the quagmire of corruption and squandering. According to UN
report issued this February in 2012 Afghan people paid $3, 9 in bribes to
Afghan state officials. Even Western companies, making their contribution
into the country’s restoration process, had to give over $1 billion to grease
the palm in order to win contracts. In Washington it is widely believed the
expenditure was a waste. The fact that Karzai admits the graft problem makes
even stronger the criticism Obama comes under. The US spent over $1 trillion
for Iraq and Afghanistan operations, US taxpayers paid totally around 11million
dollars an hour to finance the military operations since 2001. It’s
impossible to get the American logic, so many human lives lost, so many
billions of dollars wasted just to kill one terrorist! Other missions are
unaccomplished. It raises questions with the Pentagon and the administration.
The further support of the
Afghan government makes no sense for Washington, but it cannot stop spending.
The forces pull out will probably be the most costly and complex endeavor in
the history of US armed forces. The British have already called the
withdrawal the most unique operation in the century though they will have to
get only 9 thousand troops out of the country in comparison with the US
contingent of over 60 thousand along with weapons systems and logistics. It’s
much more complicated than it was in Iraq.
Afghanistan has no access to
sea. There are a few alternative routes: the road to Karachi, the railroad
going to Russia across Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, the air route for cargo
aircraft flying to the Persian Gulf. The US Defense Department plans to spend
around $80 billion in 2014 for the purpose. The figure is mentioned in the
request for additional expenditure submitted to Congress. The 2013 fiscal
year was over on September 30, the expenditure was $37 billion. It means the
next year’s «zero option» may exceed the present spending twice making
expedient the withdrawal postponement. But this scenario will most certainly
be opposed by Afghan government and its neighbors, who look forward with fear
awaiting the surge of instability in the country
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The return of Taliban to Kabul
is a matter of special concern for Russia and the neighboring CIS (the
Community of Independent Nations) states. President Karzai believes
Afghanistan is a sovereign country and has a right to determine its own fate,
including the involvement of Taliban into the political process. He is
self-assured and not concerned a bit about the fact that with ISAF gone the
Taliban can come back to the political scene and share power. Those who took
the reins after the Soviet forces withdrawal let the movement turn
Afghanistan into the springboard of international terrorism. They were
self-assured too. Those who headed the country back then had no political
will to make the gained independence work for the benefit of Afghan people.
Now Karzai is on the verge of
repeating the same mistake, he goes on insisting his government is ready to
take on full responsibility for the future of the country. Actually the
incumbent Afghan government is siding with the United States and NATO getting
the country embroiled into the mess with consequences hard to predict…
The US-led NATO readiness to retain its presence within the framework of Resolute
Support mission aimed at security transfer to Afghan forces should not
mislead. The same way, according to NATO, Kabul is already responsible for
90% of combat operations inside the country, but it does not mean the puppet
regime is strong enough. NATO evidently exaggerates saying the government
forces enjoy the support of major part of population. The affirmations of the
West that the Taliban enjoys only minor public support after the 12-year war,
that brought about no tangible results, look more like an awkward propaganda
maneuvering to cover up the fact that the US-led operation is a failure.
Will ISAF leave fully or let
some forces stay as part of the Resolute Support? It all depends on
the US and the Karzai-led government; will they let the Taliban return to the
country?
The moment of truth has come.
The US and NATO are to report to the international community on the results
of their 12-year presence in Afghanistan. It’s not serious when they say the
100 thousand strong force has eliminated the Al Qaeda’s infrastructure and
it’s the major achievement of the West. Afghanistan faces the prospect of
becoming a Taliban dominated state once again.
The movement is supported by
Pakistan – its homeland. For Islamabad the friendly Taliban-controlled Kabul
is a strategic advantage. Let me remember that during five years of the
Taliban rule, the movement failed to spread its control throughout the entire
country with all the leverage they had holding the reins of state power, and
it was the failure for Pakistan too. Those days the Taliban got very
limited international support from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and
Pakistan, the countries that have not changed their stance as yet. The
money flows coming from the Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (more
commonly known as Inter-Services Intelligence or simply by its initials ISI),
never stopped, sometimes the process even ran out of government control. The
Taliban is the only means of leverage Islamabad can use to influence the
Afghan politics; the Pakistani elite will never sever ties with it. Pakistan
will do its best to make the Taliban return as a result of reconciliation
process under «the predominant role of Afghan people» meaning the possibility
of making a choice thanks to elections at various levels.
The logic of Pakistani approach
is based on the fact the Pashtun are the largest ethnic group in
Afghanistan. The fact that it dominates the Taliban is hushed up. The
calculations show the Taliban candidate has a chance to win at the election
of 2014. In any event the new presidential election may become the main
political event for Afghanistan. The incumbent head of state Hamid Karzai
does not exclude the possibility the next presidential hopeful may come from
the Taliban ranks. It could be the Taliban founder Muhammad Omar. Karzai is
ready to cooperate with him on the condition the Taliban refuses armed
struggle. It had been reported earlier the Taliban started to hold secret
talks with the government. The place is not any foreign country but Kabul. It
means the US supports the process. The position of Mullah Omar before the
withdrawal is getting stronger; he knows the incumbent government is weak. So
the Taliban leaders have not refused to take the power in Afghanistan into
their hands again to revive the Islamic Emirate. No doubt the Taliban is
intent to resort to forceful methods to the political management process.
The group has not said openly
it intends to take part in the election though many forecast that Mullah Omar
would hold a sweeping victory if he had an opportunity to run. The Taliban
has many faithful supporters among the voters. At that, there are other
options, the choice is not limited by the Taliban and the supporters of
incumbent President Karzai, other Islamist political forces have emerged
which are not that close to Islamabad and appear to be less radical in
comparison with the Mullah Omar supporters.
Abdul Rassoul Sayyaf has
registered at the offices of Kabul's Independent Election Commission. He
is a Pashtun from Paghman valley and an hereditary theologian. Sayyaf is one
of the most influential Islamist politicians of the country, for many years
he led the Mujahedin faction Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan
fighting against the Soviet Union. In February 1989 he was elected the first
Prime Minister of Mujahedin transitional government, and then became a close
associate of Afghan leaders Burhanuddin Rabbani and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar.
Sayyaf has always been an opponent of the Taliban and fought it together with
the Northern Alliance. After the American forces came into the country he
took the side of US and supported Karzai at the election.
Before the registration as a
presidential hopeful, he had been a member of the lower chamber of parliament
preserving the status of a conservative and respected imam. Field commander
Ismail Khan agreed to become first Vice-President in the Sayyaf- led
government if elected. Ismail Khan has always been influential in the western
province of Herat near the Iranian border. Abdul Ahad Irfan, the chairman of
parliamentary upper chamber and the leader of Afghanistan National Unity
Committee, has registered too to run for the position of second
Vice-President.
These personalities that
make up the triumvirate of hopefuls may challenge the Islamist Taliban at the
election. It’s up to people to appreciate the reputation of Sayyaf as a
religious Pashtun leader and the fact he has broad connections among the
Islamist groups inside Afghanistan and outside. The voters don’t doubt his
military record and his influence in the western parts of the country. The
Islamic youth has sympathy for his educational level; he is a new kind of
religious preacher, who does not share the Taliban ideology which requires
religious rigidity in all aspects of everyday life according to the Muslim
moral standards of the times of Prophet Muhammad. Let’s not forget the
Taliban banned women from leaving their houses. Now over two million girls go
to school, over 300 thousand Afghan children have Facebook accounts, the
young people younger than 25 years old account for 70 percent of population.
All these factors have weight in case the election is fair.
If Sayyaf wins the presidential
election the coalition he is going to head will cement ties with NATO as the
organization that came to support Afghanistan in the times of trouble (a hint
it seeks US blessing). Sayyaf promises to stick to the principle of equality
in the process of national reconciliation and respect for all nationalities
including: Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras which have never had real chances to
have a President coming from their ranks. This time Abdullah Abdullah, former
leader of Northern Alliance, runs too. He had got his registration two days
before Sayyaf. It’s not excluded the both will agree on concerted actions
against the Taliban which never shared his power with those who come from the
north of the country. At present, as the experience of Karzai government
shows, it’s impossible to talk about the Afghan unity without bringing in
national and religious minorities. Under certain circumstances the Northern
Alliance voters may shift to support Sayyaf, if no serious rivals appear.
Minister of Foreign Affairs Zalmai Rassoul, liberal politician Ashraf Ghani,
Qayum Karzai, the brother of incumbent President, – they all run and have
hopes to win. The issue is defining the main sponsors, including the ones
outside the country.
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Washington does not exclude
that the repetition of Syria scenario caused by NATO withdrawal from
Afghanistan may result in strategic advantage to meet its interests.
Controlled chaos is a tried and true method. A would-be war in Afghanistan
will enable the Americans to control the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in
China, maintain instability in the vicinity of Iranian borders and exacerbate
the relations between India and Pakistan. Finally, the United States will
maintain a springboard to exert pressure on Central Asia. Since 2014
Afghanistan is to become a major security problem for Russia…
Along with the allies – the
members Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) - Russia is urgently
planning emergency measures that actually should have been taken long before.
By the end of September a CSTO summit was held in Sochi ahead of the schedule
with Russia becoming the chairman of the organization before time as well.
The leaders of Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan
and Uzbekistan talked shop with regard to planned practical steps aimed at
tackling the major aspects of the security problem. Si vis pacem, para bellum
(If you want peace, prepare for war).
On October 1 the lower chamber
of Tajikistan ratified an agreement on the status of the Russian 201st
military base. Signed on October 5, 2012 at top level, the Russian
military base agreement is to be in force till 2042. Together with the
Tajik forces the base will guarantee the security of Tajikistan. Russia has
started to deliver a $200 million military aid package to the country. Air
force equipment and other war material will be transferred to Tajik armed
forces gratuitously.
According to experts, there
are urgent steps to be taken, for instance, the deployment of Russian border
guards along the almost 1500 km long Afghan-Tajik border guarded by only 16
thousand Tajik servicemen. No way could the Tajik authorities tackle the
problem of refugees and armed gangs alone. Eight years ago Russian border
guards left the area leaving behind only a few dozen strong operational
group. Since then the situation has turned for the worse. New hot beds appear
along the Tajik border, the extremists gain influence, the number of training
camps for militants coming from the Collective Security Treaty Organization
member-states has grown.
Addressing the Sochi Collective
Security Treaty Organization summit the President of Tajikistan Emomalii
Rahmon called for combined efforts to strengthen the Afghan border. Many
Russian politicians and military support the idea of getting Russian border
guards back to Tajikistan. Still Nikolay Bordyuzha, Secretary General of the
Collective Security Treaty Organization, actually opposed the idea. According
to him, Tajikistan needs assistance to enhance the professional level of
national border forces, including mountain warfare and new equipment
deliveries.
The US-Afghanistan
partnership agreement, which is in works now, is expected to leave nine
United States military facilities behind maintaining the capability for
emergency response and coming to aid the government forces in case the situation
gets abruptly worse. The remaining military forces are to stay in Kabul,
Mazari Sharif, Jalalabad, Gardez, the Bagram air base and in the provinces of
Kandahar, Helmand and Herat. The list is missing the northern city of Kunduz,
the capital of Kunduz Province, situated at the Tajik border, no matter it
was the first major populated area where security responsibility was
transferred to Afghan forces. Some time ago the security transfer ceremony
was held with the participation of German defence and foreign chiefs. Kunduz
has an important place in the history of German armed forces. During ten
years around 20 thousand Bundeswehr servicemen have seen service there.
Nowhere else since the days of WWII has the German military suffered
comparable death toll than in Kunduz.
Russian and Kyrgyz parliaments
have ratified a status agreement on Russian air-base in Kant. Russian
military will stay there for at least 20 years. Russia is going to upgrade
the facility transforming it into a real outpost of the Collective Security
Treaty Organization in Central Asia, the presence to count with. Today the
base is home to Su-24 fighter bombers, SU-25 attack planes, SU-27 SM air
superiority fighters and an air group of rotary wing aircraft. Air and ground
forces of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan kicked off military exercises the very
next day the summit was over on September 24.
Facing the expected threats
from terrorist and extremist activities to intensify in Afghanistan, it is
expedient to remember the events of the Uzbekistan’s Fergana valley where the
Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IDU) conducted subversive activities from the
territory of Kyrgyzstan. It should be admitted that Kyrgyz authorities
face growing difficulties while exercising control over the south-western
part of the country predominantly populated by Uzbeks. Militants are still
recruited among local population to fill the IDU ranks. The Afghan drug
flows get to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan from Tajikistan and mainly from
Kyrgyzstan.
Kazakhstan stands for strengthening
the Tajik-Afghan border and boosting military presence in Kyrgyzstan, the
government believes the measures taken are vitally important for the
Collective Security Treaty Organization. Of course, Astana, the capital of
Kazakhstan, is situated far from Afghanistan, still there is concern over the
possibility of destabilization affecting Central Asia. Kazakhstan supports
assistance to Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan because it meets its own national
security interests. It also stands for collective defense of Central Asian
air space, enhancement of Collective Forces capabilities, spurring the fight
against drug trafficking. There have been no bloody conflicts on the
territory of the Republic of Kazakhstan while Uzbekistan, which left the
Collective Security Treaty Organization’s membership some time ago, has
become the prime target for terrorists. The country is a party to a strategic
partnership agreement with Astana. But Kazakhstan is a CSTO member, while
Uzbekistan applies efforts to boost the relationship with the United States.
Some time ago the relationship
between Uzbekistan and the United States appeared to be worsened for good.
The White House condemned the government for quelling the Andijan protests in
2005. The final break up seemed to be inevitable. Now Washington has restored
the relationship with Islam Karimov considering an option of leaving on
Uzbekistan soil some forces withdrawn from Afghanistan. Much talked about
democratic values, human rights and the persecution of dissent in Uzbekistan
pale in importance before the Washington’s desire to preserve military
presence in Central Asia.
It’s Uzbekistan the Unites
States relies on to maintain a springboard for exerting influence of
Afghanistan and stymie the process of Russia and Central Asia integration. In
any event Tashkent is to be compensated by US guarantees and Western arms
supplies as a reward for keeping away from the Collective Security Treaty
Organization. Uzbekistan is under West European and US arms supplies embargo,
but it does not confuse its leadership. The Uzbek government has approached
NATO with a request to bring in the equipment and weapons used in Afghanistan
and leave it in the country. Tashkent hopes the United States will support
its desire to enjoy a privileged position in the northern part of Afghanistan
where the ethnic Uzbeks are a majority. Uzbekistan has experience of being a
«key ally» of the United States in Central Asia; it’s hard to predict how
long the friendship will last this time, the same way it is hard to predict
if the United States would leave Afghanistan without leaving some presence
behind.
The insinuations about NATO
pulling out before the «combat season» in the spring of 2014 is a probe to
see the outside reaction, including the response of Russia. The Russian
Federation preferred not to wait till the ISAF withdraws; the probing raids
from the territory of Afghanistan could be expected in the upcoming months.
For instance, Kenya, where militants perpetrated a blood slaughter, is not an
isolated incident, it’s a tendency. The United States military intervention
under the pretext of «fight against international terrorism» has not resulted
in peace; Afghanistan today is one of the most vulnerable states in the
world. Over and over again we reap the fruits of US military domination. Under the circumstances, Russia has to take on a
global mission and use the southern approaches to counter the US-sponsored
scenario which envisions the «transition of the Middle East from the axis of
instability to the axis of freedom».
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