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Pakistan
& India’s Bias Against
Allama
Mashriqi andthe Khaksar Tehrik
Dedicated to the
Khaksar Martyrs of March 19, 1940
By
Nasim Yousaf
The freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now
comprised of Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan) did not come easy.Its foundation
is built on the blood of the Khaksars as well as Allama Mashriqi’s teenage son,
who were killed in the struggle for independence. Mashriqi, his immediate,
family, and the Khaksars made immense sacrifices and faced ruthless actions
from the British in their fight to liberate the people of the subcontinent.
Sadly, the Governments of India and Pakistan have thus far failed to recognize Allama
Mashriqi and his followers’ fight against the British Raj.
Allama Mashriqi
was a born genius who had record-breaking academic achievements at the
University of Cambridge. He became Under Secretary of Education in India when
he was only 29 years old and was offered Ambassadorship and Knighthoodat age 32.Mashriqi’s
book,Tazkirah, was nominated for the Nobel
Prize in Literature by learned individuals from India and Europe (includingSahibzada
Aftab Ahmed Khan [Vice Chancellor of Aligarh University], Professor Maison of
France, Dr. Hayden [“Al-Islah” August 30, 1935], Sir Abdul Qadir, and Sir Fazal
Hussain).And Mashriqi wasinducted into the most prestigious scholarly societies
of Europe.
For Mashriqi, it
would have been incredibly easy to lead a life of comfortand luxury. Instead,
he chose to fight the British Raj and face all consequences in order to
liberate the people of the sub-continent. In 1930, helaid the foundation for
the Khaksar Tehrik (also known as the “Khaksar Movement,” “Private Army,” or “Army
of Spades”) to bring independence to the nation. Joining Mashriqi in this
mission were his immediate family as well asMuslims and non-Muslimsofthe
sub-continent.
The Khaksar
Tehrik became a phenomenon that swept the masses in India. By 1940, the
membership of the Tehrik had expanded to four
millionKhaksarsin India alone. The Tehrik continued its rapid growth during
the 1940s and,according toAl-Islah(December
01, 1946), it had five million
Khaksar soldiersby the end of 1946.In a short period of time, Mashriqi had created
the largest and most disciplined private army in the history of the Indian
sub-continent. It is nearly unfathomable that a private citizen could create an
army with such a large followingwithout the support of aconventionalmilitary academy
and modern resources such as the internet, social media, etc.Clearly, Mashriqi
had struck a cord and his message resonated deeply with the masses. His
followers had put aside worldly attractions and dedicated their lives to
freedom.
In support of the Tehrik’s mission, theKhaksars
traveled all over India - from Kolkata to Karachi(east towest) and from
Srinagar to Mysore (north to south). Theyeven used their own funds. The JanbazKhaksars had signed pledges that
they would not hesitate to give their lives for freedom. Khaksar activities in
support of freedom included mock-wars (including the use of cannons,guns,
spades, etc.), paradesin uniform, and public displays of martial splendor. The
military power of the Khaksar Tehrik became clear to the British when Mashriqi
paralyzed the Government of the U.P. in 1939, formed a parallel Government, and
issued currency. Such moves as well as theKhaksar Tehrik’s military might and
revolutionary activities shook the pillars of colonial rule in India.
It was at this juncture that the British
rulersbegan talking toselected Muslim and non-Muslim leaders whothe British
feltwould work with them and not pose a threat to their rule.In parallel, the
Government took every conceivable measure to try to overpower Mashriqi and the Khaksar
Tehrik – from bans and restrictions to threats and imprisonment to the brutal
killing of Khaksars, including a ruthless massacre on March 19, 1940 in Lahore.
The British rulers were so anxious about Mashriqi and the Khaksars that they
tried to squash the Khaksar identity by imposing bans on Khaki uniforms,
badges, armbands, spades, and the Tehrik’s flag. Anti-Mashriqi elements tried
to portray Mashriqi as a kafir
(infidel), fanatic, or a fascist dictator. Of course these allegations were
completely untrue.Mashriqi and the Khaksars proved to be quite resilient in the
face of theopposition andaltered their strategies as needed to counteract the bans
or restrictions against them.
As the Khaksars continued to thrive,
anti-Khaksar efforts became more and more desperate. In 1943, a plan was hatched
to try and defame Mashriqi. Per the plan, Muslim League Leader Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad
Ali Jinnahwas attacked and the attacker was immediately (falsely)alleged to be
a Khaksar. Although Jinnah received only a minor injury, the attack was
publicized widely to try to discredit the Khaksars. But this conspiracy to undermine
Mashriqi backfired when Justice Blagden of the Bombay High Court rejected that there
was any evidence to show that the assailant was a Khaksar (this fact isdeliberately
omitted in books and articles).Despite the court’s ruling, the hostility
against Mashriqi continued. During the 1945-46 elections, the bureaucracy ensured
that candidates on the Khaksar Tehrik’s ticket did not win the election.
In spite ofall the actions against them,
Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars never gave-up and remained fully focused
on their mission; they were in the midst of a full coup and takeover of the
Governmentwhenthe British wiselydecided that they had no choice but
torelinquish power.Thus, on February 20 1947, Prime Minister Clement Attlee
announced that the British would quit India and transfer power. However, before
departing the country, the British partitioned thenation in two based on the Two-Nation
theory (which the British had supportedfor their own interests) and hurriedly
transferred power to their favored Muslim and Hindu leaders (to form Pakistan
and India as separate countries).
Thereafter, the history of Pakistan and
India has been written from the perspective of those who were the recipients of
the transfer of power. Rather than seeking the truth behind partition, historians
have instead taken partition as inevitable; they’ve focused on justifying
division and glorifying the leaders who were the beneficiaries of the transfer
of power. The perspective and sacrifices of Mashriqi and others who were
advocating for a united, independent
India have been buried. And Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars have been
vilified or ignored in the history books and the educational syllabus.
Fabricated stories and articles against Mashriqi,
his family, and the Khaksarscontinue to appear in the media, books, and scholarly
journals even today. Mashriqi’s role in history has been diminished, despite
all the evidence to the contrary;any serious study of British India’s
independence would show that, without Mashriqi and his
private army of Khaksars, the British would never have felt compelled to abandon
their rule.The Governments of Pakistan and India should realize that thoseleaders
who held talks with the British or were the recipients of a transfer of power
in 1947 were not the only champions
of independence. Their efforts were built on the fight and public drive for
freedom directed by Mashriqi and the Khaksars.Both the Indian and Pakistani
Governments should rise above the unfair bias against Mashriqi and properly
incorporate the crucial role of Allama Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars
into the educational curriculum of the two nations.
For more
information on Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik, read my published books
and articles and see the resources below:
https://www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
https://www.facebook.com/ALIslah1934
https://www.facebook.com/AllamaMashriqi.1
The author, Nasim Yousaf, is a
USA-based historian and researcher.Mr. Yousaf’s books have been displayed in
book fairs in New York, San Francisco, London, and Frankfurt.Those interested
inhis works can find them in research libraries and through various resources
on the internet.
Copyright
© 2016 Nasim Yousaf
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