King Salman
reform: Saudi Arabia attacks high level corruption: princes arrested, ministers
dismissed!
Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal
Saudi Arabia, the
birthplace as well as spiritual home of Islam, has been in news in recent years
as it makes strenuous efforts to enhance its global profile as a leader of
(Sunni) Islamic world. It managed the Arab Spring so well that though the
phenomenon had struck entire Arab world, starting from Tunisia, just passed by
that nation without making any real impact on the Saudi life and politics.
However, Saudi government and the king himself were in anxiety and despair
until the “spring” died down.
Saudi king Salman bin
Abdulaziz Al Saud is now seen taking bold steps to cleanse the system off
corruption. That Saudi Arabians and royal families are corrupt has shocked the
world that thought Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of holy Prophet of Islam, as
free from bribery and corruption.
All of a sudden Saudi
government decided to check growth of corruption in the Islamic nation, found
even many of the royal families within the government corrupt, arrested and put
them in jail. According to initial report, at least 11 princes, four
current ministers and several former ministers had been detained in the
anti-corruption probe.
Saudi Arabia’s King
Salman has dismissed a number of senior ministers and detained nearly a dozen
princes in an investigation by a new anti-corruption committee on Saturday.
Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, a billionaire businessman who owns investment firm
Kingdom Holding, was among those held. The senior ministers who were sacked
include Prince Mitaab bin Abdullah, the head of the National Guard.
Those involved in
the historic corruption scandal of Saudi kingdom include: Alwaleed bin Talal,
owner of Kingdom Holding group; Prince Mitaab bin Abdullah, minister of the
National Guard; Prince Turki bin Abdullah, former governor of Riyadh ; Prince
Turki bin Nasser, former head of meteorology, environment; Waleed al-Ibrahim,
chairman of MBC media group; Khaled al-Tuwaijri, former president of the Royal
Court; Adel Faqih, minister of economy and planning; Amr al-Dabbagh, former
president of the General Investment Authority; Saleh Abdullah Kamel, chairman
of Dallah al Baraka Group; Saud al-Tobaishi, head of Royal ceremonies and
protocols; Ibrahim al-Assaf, state minister and executive of Saudi Aramco; Bakr
Binladin, owner of construction company Saudi Binladin Group; Saud al-Dawish,
former CEO of Saudi Telecom Company; Khaled al-Mulhem, former director general
of Saudi Arabian Airlines.
In a statement King
Salman alluded to the "exploitation by some of the weak souls” who have
put their own interests above the public interest, in order to, illicitly,
accrue money" for the creation of the anti-graft committee.
The detentions follow a
crackdown in September on political opponents of Saudi Arabia's rulers that saw
some 30 clerics, intellectuals and activists detained. Prince Alwaleed, a
flamboyant character, has sometimes used his prominence as an investor to aim
barbs at the kingdom's rulers. In December 2015, he called then-US presidential
candidate Donald Trump a "disgrace to all America" and demanded on
Twitter that he withdraw from the election.
The arrested officials
are believed to be being housed in the five-star Ritz Carlton Hotel, which two
weeks ago held a high-profile investment summit under the auspices of Prince
Mohammed. The convention centre next door was used to receive Donald Trump in
May, when the US president travelled to Saudi Arabia to reset relations with
his country’s long-term ally, which had deteriorated under the Obama
administration that had pivoted to Iran.
Saudis really are on the
brink of dramatic changes. In 2015, Mohammed bin Salman became minster of
defence. Just a few months ago, he became the head of all the internal security
forces because they got rid of the Mohammed bin Nayef, then crown prince. Now
he's taken control of the third most important security apparatus within the
country, so he has defence, he is in control of interior and now he is in
control of the guards.
Clearly he has the stage
set. Clearly all the heads of all the major media networks, newspapers, and
commentators were all already groomed, set in motion in order to defend the
crown prince and his policies. There are already new songs for the crown prince
and his glory, so internally they are definitely setting the stage in terms of
the three security apparatuses, the media and so on.
President Trump has
given his blessings and support to the crown prince with the hundreds of
billions of dollars of promised contracts, so he's certainly supporting his
various ambitions in the region, most importantly that of the confrontation
with Iran in the region. This is something that Trump really wants as well as
apparently a promised rapprochement with Israel.
Rise of Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia is
geographically the fifth-largest state in Asia and second-largest state in the
Arab world after Algeria. Saudi Arabia is bordered by Jordan and Iraq to the
north, Kuwait to the northeast, Qatar, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates to
the east, Oman to the southeast and Yemen to the south. It is separated from
Israel and Egypt by the Gulf of Aqaba. It is the only nation with both a Red
Sea coast and a Persian Gulf coast and most of its terrain consists of arid
desert and mountains.
Saudi Arabia is called
in the West as a monarchical autocracy. Saudi Arabia is considered a
regional and middle power. Saudi Arabia was the world's second largest
arms importer in 2010–2014. By 1976, Saudi Arabia had become the largest oil
producer in the world. King Khalid's reign saw economic and social development
progress at an extremely rapid rate, transforming the infrastructure and
educational system of the country; in foreign policy, close ties with the USA
were developed.
Saudi Arabia's command
economy is petroleum-based; roughly 75% of budget revenues and 90% of export
earnings come from the oil industry. Saudi Arabia officially has about 260
billion barrels (4.1×1010 m3) of oil reserves, comprising about one-fifth of
the world's proven total petroleum reserves It is strongly dependent on foreign
workers with about 80% of those employed in the private sector being non-Saudi.
Discovery of oil greatly
enhanced the economic and financial prowess of Saudi kingdom. Petroleum was
discovered on 3 March 1938 and followed up by several other finds in the
Eastern Province. Saudi Arabia has since become the world's largest oil
producer and exporter, controlling the world's second largest oil reserves and
the sixth largest gas reserves. The kingdom is categorized as a World Bank
high-income economy with a high Human Development Index and is the only Arab
country to be part of the G-20 major economies. However, the economy of Saudi
Arabia is the least diversified in the Gulf Cooperation Council, lacking any
significant service or production sector, apart from the extraction of
resources.
Saudi Arabia is heavily
dependent on oil for income and has been suffering since oil prices crashed
from more than $100 a barrel in 2014. The kingdom has been desperately trying
to diversify its economy away from the commodity, but is still focused on
trying to raise oil values and restore its main income source. Saudi Arabia’s
risky plot to raise oil prices to save its economy has failed sending the
country into crisis. The kingdom tried to manipulate prices by slashing output
to increase demand, but the plan backfired as US shale producers continued to
pump more oil. Prices have fallen as low as $43 a barrel and remained well
below $50 since the end of May when OPEC announced its plans to tackle
oversupply. OPEC members Libya and Nigeria were previously exempt from the cap
announced in May, but desperate OPEC and Saudi could now pressure the two
countries to comply in the hope of denting supply. Russia has already called on
OPEC to cap output from Nigeria and Libya in the near future and it will be
interesting to see if any new agreements are proposed for both nations to join
the oil production cut agreement.
Among the challenges to
Saudi economy include halting or reversing the decline in per capita income,
improving education to prepare youth for the workforce and providing them with
employment, diversifying the economy, stimulating the private sector and
housing construction, diminishing corruption and inequality.
In addition to petroleum
and gas, Saudi also has a small gold mining sector in the Mahd adh Dhahab
region and other mineral industries, an agricultural sector, especially in the
southwest, based on dates and livestock, and large number of temporary jobs
created by the roughly two million annual Hajj pilgrims. Virtually all Saudi
citizens are Muslim (officially, all are), and almost all Saudi residents are
Muslim. Estimates of the Sunni population of Saudi Arabia range between 75% and
90%, with the remaining 10–25% being Shia Muslim. The official and dominant
form of Sunni Islam in Saudi Arabia is commonly known as Wahhabism.
According to estimates
there are about 1,500,000 Christians in Saudi Arabia, almost all foreign
workers. Saudi Arabia allows Christians to enter the country as foreign workers
for temporary work. Americans enjoy special status in Saudi as they are not
punished there for their crimes and there could be some CIA agents too among
them who promote corruption and create challenges for Islam as part of their
mission. In 1980, Saudi Arabia bought out the American interests in Aramco.
In 1979, two events
occurred which greatly concerned the government, and had a long-term influence
on Saudi foreign and domestic policy. The first was the Iranian Islamic
Revolution. It was feared that the country's Shi'ite minority in the Eastern
Province which is also the location of the oil fields might rebel under the
influence of their Iranian co-religionists. There were several anti-government
uprisings in the region such as the 1979 Qatif Uprising. The second event was
the Grand Mosque Seizure in Mecca by Islamist extremists. The militants
involved were in part angered by what they considered to be the corruption and
un-Islamic nature of the Saudi government. The government regained control of
the mosque after 10 days and those captured were executed. Part of the response
of the royal family was to enforce a much stricter observance of traditional
religious and social norms in the country (for example, the closure of cinemas)
and to give the Ulema a greater role in government. Neither entirely succeeded
as Islamism continued to grow in strength.
This partly explains why
Saudi kingdom is touchy of Sunni branch of Islam opposes Iran.
King Khalid died of a
heart attack in June 1982. He was succeeded by his brother, King Fahd, who
added the title "Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques" to his name in
1986 in response to considerable fundamentalist pressure to avoid use of
"majesty" in association with anything except God. Fahd continued to
develop close relations with the USA and increased the purchase of American and
British military equipment. Saudi used a good part of its income from oil sales
on terror goods from USA, UK and other western countries.
In the 1980s, Saudi
Arabia spent $25 billion in support of Saddam Hussein in the Iran–Iraq War.
However, Saudi Arabia condemned the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 and asked
the US to intervene.[55] King Fahd allowed American and coalition troops to be
stationed in Saudi Arabia.
As the USA began pushing
its own religious and capitalist agenda in the nation of Islam, many Saudis
opposed Washington and Saudi Arabia's relations with the West began to cause
growing concern among some of the ulema and students of sharia law and was one
of the issues that led to an increase in Islamist terrorism in Saudi Arabia, as
well as Islamist terrorist attacks in Western countries
The vast wealth
generated by oil revenues was beginning to have an even greater impact on Saudi
society. It led to rapid technological modernisation, urbanization, mass public
education and the creation of new media. This and the presence of increasingly
large numbers of foreign workers greatly affected traditional Saudi norms and
values. Although there was dramatic change in the social and economic life of
the country, political power continued to be monopolized by the royal family
leading to discontent among many Saudis who began to look for wider
participation in government
Hidden economy and
rampant corruption
Oil made many poor Arabs
rich and billionaires in a few years. Now Arab government seriously
consider multi-pronged approach to diversify its economy from oil into
other fields of economy, including industries, agriculture, services, military
equipment production, modernization, etc.
Arabs make huge sums and
wealth, both legitimate and illegal. The line between public funds and royal
money is not always clear in Saudi Arabia, an absolute monarchy ruled by an
Islamic system in which most law is not systematically codified and no elected
parliament exists. WikiLeaks cables have detailed the huge monthly stipends
that every Saudi royal receives as well as various money-making schemes some
have used to finance lavish lifestyles.
Most of rich Arabs keep
their wealth in USA and UK. Trump responded in typically combative terms
accusing the prince of wanting to control “our politicians with daddy’s money”.
Trump tweeted: "Dopey Prince Alwaleed_ Talal wants to control our US
politicians with daddy’s money. Can't do it when I get elected." His
father, Prince Talal, is considered one of the most vocal supporters of reform
in the ruling Al Saud family, having pressed for a constitutional monarchy
decades ago.
Al-Waleed had in fact
recently promised to donate all his wealth to charity – although he had years
earlier purchased a yacht from Trump, and according to Forbes’s profiles,
shares the president’s predilection for mocked-up Time magazine covers
apparently featuring his exploits.
The highest profile
arrest in Saudi Arabia’s anti-corruption purge is Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal, a
multibillionaire with huge investments in western firms. Prince
Al-Waleed, 62 and one of the world’s richest men, has become one of the most
familiar – and progressive – faces of Saudi in western media. While he has the
lifestyle, jets, yacht and palace of a stereotypical Saudi billionaire, he has
burnished a different image with interventions such as backing rights for Saudi
women and denouncing President Trump on Twitter.
The prince, a grandson
of Saudi’s first ruler and son of a Saudi finance minister, has an estimated
net worth of $17bn (£13bn), according to Forbes magazine – although he has sued
them for underestimating his wealth. He came to prominence internationally as a
major backer of Citigroup in the 1990s, and more so when continuing to back the
firm as its value evaporated during the financial crisis. His investments
extended into major media groups, with substantial stakes in Rupert Murdoch’s
NewsCorp, Apple, Time Warner, Twitter, and owning Rotana, whose TV channels
broadcast widely across the Arab-speaking world. He has reduced his share
in NewsCorp, but his clout was such that an intervention in 2011 in the wake of
the phone-hacking scandal was seen as the coup de grace for News
International’s Rebekah Brooks, telling the Murdochs from his superyacht in
Cannes that “she has to go”.
The investment group he
set up in 1980, rebranded as the Kingdom Holding Company in 1996, also owns
several global luxury hotel chains, as well as landmark properties such as
London’s Savoy Hotel and the George V in Paris. More recently it has backed
Uber’s rival ride-hailing firm Lyft. On Twitter in 2015 he called Donald Trump
a “disgrace to America” after the Republican candidate floated the idea of a
ban on Muslims, and he urged Trump to quit the campaign.
Prince Al-Waleed was an
early advocate of women’s employment in Saudi Arabia – hiring a female pilot
for his jets, at a time when there was no prospect of women driving on the
ground, and speaking out against the driving ban before the regime agreed this
year to lift it. His wife, Ameera, who he divorced in 2013, usually appeared
unveiled.
Al-Waleed’s
international profile was extraordinary – frequently seen with top politicians,
Wall Street executives and British royals. But he was an unofficial public face
of the Saudi kingdom rather than a key part of the ruling elite – a status
underlined by his arrest in King Salman’s crackdown.
His vision has not
always matched reality: in a 2013 court case in London, a judge said that
Prince Al-Waleed’s evidence in the witness box was “confusing and too
unreliable” as he was forced to pay out in a business dispute. And while the
prince already owns a Boeing 747 for his personal use, complete with throne,
his ambition to have the world’s biggest superjumbo, the A380, refitted with a
concert hall, Turkish baths, luxury suites and a parking bay for his Rolls
Royce, remains unfulfilled. Despite placing an order with manufacturer Airbus
in 2007 at the Dubai airshow, the plane remains on the tarmac in Toulouse to
this day.
Hidden economies promote
corruption more than the open ones. Transparency deficit automatically causes
corruption on a large scale as it had happened in Russia and now happening in
China, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan etc are ordinary third world
countries without any definition of good governance and so corruption is the
order of the system in these countries.
The regime and system
promote and encourage corruption as a state policy.
Anti-corruption probe
and purge for accelerated change
Saudi Arabia's King
Salman has tightened his grip on power through an anti-corruption purge by
arresting royals, ministers and investors including billionaire Alwaleed bin
Talal who is one of the kingdom's most prominent businessmen. Prince Alwaleed,
a nephew of the king and owner of investment firm Kingdom Holding, invests in
firms such as Citigroup and Twitter. He was among 11 princes, four ministers
and tens of former ministers detained.
The purge against the
kingdom's political and business elite also targeted the head of the National
Guard Prince Miteb bin Abdullah who was detained and replaced as minister of
the powerful National Guard by Prince Khaled bin Ayyaf. News of the purge came
after King Salman decreed the creation of an anti-corruption committee chaired
by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, his 32-year-old favourite son who has
amassed power since rising from obscurity three years ago.
The new anti-corruption
body was given broad powers to investigate cases, issue arrest warrants and
travel restrictions, and seize assets. "The homeland will not exist unless
corruption is uprooted and the corrupt are held accountable," the royal
decree said.
King Salman issued a
statement saying that the committee shall "identify offences, crimes and
persons and entities involved in cases of public corruption". The
committee has the power to issue arrest warrants, travel bans, disclose and
freeze accounts and portfolios, track funds and assets, and "prevent their
remittance or transfer by persons and entities, whatever they might be",
according to the statement.
The shake-up of the
Saudi government comes just months after King Salman replaced his nephew
Mohammed bin Nayef with his son Mohammed bin Salman as the kingdom's crown
prince. Mohammed bin Salman has been responsible for pushing through a number
of changes both at home and abroad since he became first in line to the Saudi
crown. Ian Black of the London School of Economics said the move fit a
"pattern of accelerated change" since Mohammed bin Salman became
heir. "We've seen since June this year, very far-reaching changes,"
he said, adding: "That was when Mohammed bin Salman, the son of King
Salman, was appointed crown prince."Since Mohammed bin Salman became the
crown prince in June, we've seen a lot of upheaval. We've seen the announcement
of this very ambitious Saudi plan to transform the country the Saudi economy,
Vision 2030."
The dismissal of Mitaab
bin Abdullah as National Guard minister came shortly after a missile attack by
Yemen's Houthi rebels on Riyadh's King Khaled International Airport. However,
Black said the two were probably not related as the sacking came bundled with
changes to other ministerial portfolios.
In recent weeks, Saudi
Arabia has announced an end to its long-standing ban on allowing women to
drive, and Mohammed bin Salman has also promised to return the country to a
"moderate" form of Islam. Since 2015 Saudi Arabia has been at war
against Houthi rebels, who control much of northern Yemen on the kingdom's
southern border.
It is not clear if the
Trump visit emboldened the kingdom, which has been locked in a decades-long
tussle with Iran for power and influence across the region. Since then, a swath
of economic policies has been launched, along with cultural reforms
unprecedented in Saudi history. By mid next year, women are expected to be
allowed to drive, to enter sports stadiums and travel abroad without the
endorsement of their male guardians.
It is also said the
arrests were another pre-emptive measure by the crown prince to remove powerful
figures as he exerts control over the world's leading oil exporter. The
round-up recalls the palace coup in June through which he ousted his elder
cousin, Mohammed bin Nayef, as heir to the throne and interior minister. MbS,
as he is known, was expected to follow at least by removing Prince Miteb from
leadership of the National Guard, a pivotal power-base rooted in the kingdom's
tribes. Over the past year MbS has become the ultimate decision-maker for the
kingdom's military, foreign, economic and social policies, causing resentment
among parts of the Al Saud dynasty frustrated by his meteoric rise.
Saudi Arabia's stock
index was dragged down briefly but recovered to close higher as some investors
bet the crackdown could bolster reforms in the long run. The royal decree said
the arrests were in response to "exploitation by some of the weak souls
who have put their own interests above the public interest, in order to,
illicitly, accrue money."
Many ordinary Saudis
praised the crackdown as long-awaited.
Reforms
King Salman’s purge
should be seen as a part of his reform policy.
In September, the king
announced that a ban on women driving would be lifted, while Prince Mohammed is
trying to break decades of conservative tradition by promoting public
entertainment and visits by foreign tourists.
The crown prince has
also slashed state spending in some areas and plans a big sale of state assets,
including floating part of state oil giant Saudi Aramco (IPO-ARMO.SE) on international markets. Prince
Mohammed also led Saudi Arabia into a two-year-old war in Yemen, where the
government says it is fighting Iran-aligned militants, and a row with
neighbouring Qatar, which it accuses of backing terrorists, a charge Doha
denies. Detractors of the crown prince say both moves are dangerous
adventurism.
The most recent
crackdown breaks with the tradition of consensus within the ruling family.
Prince Mohammed, rather than forging alliances as the usual strategy, is
extending his iron grip to the ruling family, the military, and the National
Guard to counter what appears to be more widespread opposition within the
family as well as the military to his reforms and the Yemen war.
In September, Prince
Mohammed authorised the detention of some of the country’s most powerful
clerics, fearing they may not be loyal to his agenda and supportive of his
boycott of Qatar, which Saudi leaders accuse of destablising the region. The
state moves on the home front followed a striking foreign policy stance earlier
in the day that appeared to put the kingdom on a political collision course
with Iran. Under Saudi pressure, the Lebanese prime minister, Saad al-Hariri,
unexpectedly quit his job, citing Iranian interference across the Middle East.
Hariri made his statement in Riyadh after twice being summoned to the Saudi
capital during the week.
The attorney general,
Saud al-Mojeb, said the newly mandated corruption commission had started
multiple investigations. The decree establishing the commission said: “The
homeland will not exist unless corruption is uprooted and the corrupt are held
accountable.” “The suspects are being granted the same rights and
treatment as any other Saudi citizen,” he said. “During the investigation, all
parties retain full legal privileges relating to their personal and private
property, including funds.”
Prince Mohammed will
oversee the corruption commission, adding to his already formidable list of
responsibilities, including his role as defence minister and champion of the
economic transformation, dubbed Vision 2030, that aims to revolutionize most
aspects of Saudi life within 12 years. Prince Mohammed told the Guardian last
month that the kingdom had been “not normal” for the past 30 years and pledged
to return Saudi Arabia to moderate Islam.
According to Al Arabiya,
the new committee, which is headed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, is
looking into the 2009 floods that devastated parts of Jeddah, as well as the
government's response to the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) virus
outbreak.
The interests of the Al
Saud would remain protected. Both King Salman and heir apparent Mohammed bin
Salman are fully committed to them. What they wish to instill, and seem
determined to execute, is to modernize the ruling establishment, not just for
the 2030 horizon but beyond it too.
Observation: A step in
the right direction
Corruption is alien to
Islam. The action against corruption shocked the world- not just the Arab
nations or Islamic world alone. The world is under the impression, rather
illusion that as the Islamic nation Saudi Arabia would not at all allow
corruption in any meaner and that Saudis as the decedents of the first ever
Muslims of the world would care for projecting a positive way of thinking and
living.
The evil of corruption
is deep in Saudi Arabia but without any state efforts to contain and reduce
corruption the malice has become large scale corrupt practices. The kingdom’s
top council of clerics tweeted that anti-corruption efforts were “as important
as the fight against terrorism”, essentially giving religious backing to the
crackdown.
The state attack on
Saudi corrupt machinery at the top level is a well thought out step to root out
corruption from the land of birth of Islam and of Holy Prophet of Islam and His
infallible companions.
Nearly six months into
his tenure as crown prince, which will eventually see him succeed his father as
monarch, Prince Mohammed has launched a dizzying series of reforms designed to
transform the kingdom’s moribund economy and put the relationship between the
state and its citizens on a new footing.
Saudi arrests show crown
prince Mohammed bin Salman is a risk-taker with a zeal for reform but the move
would enormously strengthen his place in the governance. The move strengthens
Prince Mohammed’s control of the kingdom’s security institutions, which had
long been headed by separate powerful branches of the ruling family.
Crown Prince is raising
the leverage of power in Saudi Arabia. He certainly has the blessings of his
father King Salman and he's determined to make all kinds of changes in Saudi
Arabia itself and in Saudi foreign policy, which led to the war in Yemen and
the Gulf crisis. But on domestic front, this is new. Not only do we have a new
chapter opening up in Saudi Arabia, we have a whole new book: it's still all
done in secrecy. Why those 11 princes, why those four standing ministers? Is it
really just to consolidate power or is there more to it?
In the tradition of
Saudi Arabia, revolting against the royals is not a good idea. It's never been
recommended. But does it all end with this or will it lead to more? There
have been signs over the last two and a half years that more of this is coming.
Corruption has been
rampant in recent generations in Saudi Arabia and Prince Mohammed had vowed to
make business dealings more transparent. The spectacle of royal family members
being arrested would add weight to claims of a crackdown on graft. However,
such is the manner in which business is done in the kingdom, there would be few
senior figures not connected to contract deals that would be considered corrupt
in many other parts of the world.
Saudi Arabia’s
leadership has pulled off its boldest move yet to consolidate power around its
young crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, arresting 11 senior princes, one of
the country’s richest men and scores of former ministers in what it billed as a
corruption purge. The move aimed to reshape public behavior in a kingdom where
patronage networks often determine business deals and prominent families secure
substantial cuts from lucrative contracts.
However, some in the
Saudi capital describe the move as a naked attempt to weed out dissent, and
political rivals, as the ambitious heir to the throne continues to stamp his
authority across most aspects of public life in Saudi Arabia.
The purge aimed to go
beyond corruption and aimed to remove potential opposition to Prince Mohammed's
ambitious reform agenda which is widely popular with Saudi Arabia's burgeoning
youth population but faces resistance from some of the old guard more
comfortable with the kingdom's traditions of incremental change and rule by
consensus.
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Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal
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