The undisclosed, complicated rounds of talks between Musharraf, Asif Ali Zardari, the Army top brass, and some foreign friends continued for about two weeks culminating in a situation where the chief of Army staff made it clear to Musharraf that the Army would not interfere in the political process even if Musharraf is impeached. "You will have to go now," was the message that trickled through following these parleys. Musharraf, in return for ironclad guarantees to resign on August 18, wanted guarantees that he would not be tried under any charges and would be given indemnity. These guarantees were provided to him, the sources said.

 

The decision of Musharraf's resignation, its procedure, and the timing were finalised between the nights of August 16 and 17. According to the deal, which sources claimed was just an "understanding", Musharraf will continue to stay in the Army House Rawalpindi for a month or so. During his stay, he will be provided tight security by the Army and only a select group of people would be allowed to meet him. In his highly protected abode, Musharraf will prefer to stay away from media and would not issue any statement. Once this phase is over, he would move to a foreign country.

 

In addition to the Army's guarantees, the emissaries of a friendly Muslim country have also been busy these days in finalising the "understanding". It was learnt that the army, through its chief, had conveyed its decision to Musharraf to stay away from politics quite early. Despite that Musharraf turned to them when the chips were down.

 

The dragging of the Army into politics, however, did not serve any purpose and Musharraf had to seek the intervention of his handpicked judiciary, which, as was expected, refused to oblige him at this crunch time. The final straw came when Musharraf, about four weeks ago, started toying with the idea of dissolving the assemblies. His visits to Quetta and Karachi and the tone of his speeches, which he delivered there, proved to be his Waterloo.

 

Asif Zardari, feeling the heat of an impending sword, decided to go for the impeachment but never wanted Musharraf's trial under Article 6. In the meetings that followed between the two main coalition partners, the PPP advocated a "walk away" for Musharraf. But Musharraf, who not only wanted an indemnity in return for his resignation, had also been siring the ambition to play one more stint in Pakistan's future politics. Hence, he wanted to stay in Pakistan.

 

For Musharraf's possible future role, at least two of his former ministers have already launched a party and a pressure group. This party and an NGO, which might have served as Musharraf's launching pad into formal politics, are heavily funded by unknown sources. The offices have been set up and organisers been appointed. However, Musharraf's days were numbered when the numbers game tilted heavily in favour of the coalition and the impeachment became a real possibility.

 

By the weekend, the coalition had assembled the support of 354 members of parliament although they required 295 for the impeachment. This was the time when the commando felt cornered and his nerves shattered and he agreed to follow the advice of some of his close friends to trade his resignation for an indemnity. However, the burden to conjure up a two-thirds majority in the houses of parliament for this indemnity would lie with the PPP which will have to cobble together the required number. For this the PPP will need the support of the PML-Q and the MQM to grant indemnity to Musharraf as the PML-N has decided to abstain in case a bill is tabled to give legal cover to Musharraf's unconstitutional acts. The PML-N ministers will return to the cabinet only after the restoration of the judges but the party would continue to extend its support to the coalition on other issues.