Lessons of the Red Mosque Massacre: The Role of the Military (Part I)

Sheharyar Shaikh

As the dust from the Red Mosque slowly settles on the ground and the decapitated body parts of Jamia Hafsa's female students are sullenly picked up from the smoking rubble, the prevailing mood in Pakistan is anything but jubilant. An army reared to protect and serve the country deliberately used brute force against a largely innocent people caught in the imbroglio. Moreover, many who had been following the Red Mosque crisis for days are now left with dozens of unanswered questions surrounding the official version of the event. Reports are now surfacing that General Musharraf had planned to raid the mosque complex back in February but then decided to delay it so as to bring maximum PR advantage to his government "“ a government heavily discredited inside the country for failing its people and which now readies, after having won a shameful victory, for an undeclared war against its citizenry. A recent Stratfor report predicts that the Red Mosque operation "˜is likely the beginning of a long confrontation' and such operations will inevitably lead to a clash involving "˜nationwide social unrest'. Way to go, General Musharraf!

The Red Mosque administration got on the wrong side of Musharraf when its imams pronounced the Pakistani soldiers dying in battles in the tribal areas as non-martyrs and therefore undeserving of religious sanction for Islamic burials. In truth, the Pakistani soldiers are being used by Musharraf and his cabal of self-serving generals to act as expendable pawns under foreign pressure and wage a war against their own people. While the continuation of illicit wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are being mulled over in the West, Musharraf and his ilk feel absolutely no guilt or shame in sending the nation's soldiers to raid, terrorize, imprison, kidnap and kill its own people. Thousands of mystery disappearances of students, political workers and journalists in Balochistan, carpet bombings on border towns and cities in the NWFP, scores of Pakistanis bound, beaten and shipped to secret torture camps in foreign lands, not to mention terror tactics employed against the nation's serving Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudhry, in order to force him to resign after his heroic stand against the government's decision to sell Pakistan Steel Mills to one of PM Shaukat Aziz's buddies rests as a testament to the true nature of Musharraf's Enlightened Moderation.      

Were the imams of Red Mosque wrong in their understanding of the fallen soldiers as non-martyrs? One might as well ask: How can a Pakistani Muslim soldier who fires arms against another Muslim and dies in the process all the while serving the Bush agenda for Pakistan become a martyr? He is a mercenary "“ a meager tool to carry out foreign designs, not a shaheed. Even the possibility of a moral ambiguity in the matter is surprising.

Following the imams' statement, the military government had the CDA declare that the mosque complex, which included the largest religious school for girls in the Islamic world, had been constructed on an illegally acquired land and hence needed to be immediately razed to the ground. Incidentally, the mosque, built in 1965, is one of the three oldest mosques in the city (Dr. Israr Ahmed, the founder of Tanzeem-e Islami, believes it to be the oldest). During the row, seven other mosques in the city were successively demolished under Musharraf's orders under the same pretext. Why would it take over 40 years to realize the illegality of a mosque site, and even if it had been built illegally, why wasn't the matter taken to court? The reality is that Musharraf wanted the mosque complex destroyed at all costs. Most of the student population of Jamia Hafsa belonged to the tribal regions of Pakistan where sentiments against the army in light of the current military operations run high. So Musharraf did exactly what any tinpot dictator of a client state does when facing overwhelming pressure from his paymasters to kill his own people. He killed.

The decision to raid the mosque complex was certain. The only question was of the right timing. Starting July 5, the Pakistan army prepared for "˜war': the mosque-seminary complex was barricaded from all four sides, all major roads leading to it were blocked, bunkers were dug up, barbed wire fences were laid out, 111 brigade of the army replete with Armored Personal Carriers (APC), Special Services Group commando force, the ninth wing of the Pakistan Rangers paramilitary force, the elite anti-terrorism squad of Punjab Police, and the then Deputy Superintendant of Police replaced by DSP Malik Mumtaz, notorious for breaking riots and conducting raids, were called to duty. In addition to placing four helicopter-gunships in the sky, a spy drone with a state of the art infra-red technology to locate the exact positions of the complex occupants, most probably with its counterpart HIMARs (High Mobility Artillary Rockets) in positioned areas, was flying at  the time the "negotiations" were going on. 

Once the military preparations were complete, the next step was to spin negative propaganda against the mosque caretakers through the media in order to validate a commando style operation in sight of the thousands of seminary students still inside. The challenge of free information was dealt with by barring all media organizations from covering the operation independently; CNN was not even on the scene. All journalists were told to stay away from the city hospitals under shoot-to-kill orders. Fleets of whizzing ambulances would take alternative routes to carry the unknown dead and the wounded to completely sealed hospitals. The mosque neighbors were strictly warned by army personnel to remain away from their balconies and even closed windows of their homes that were facing the mosque. Hence, the reporters heavily depended on the army spokespeople to provide them with the way the military operation was being carried out.

The only two other sources were the fleeing students and Maulana Ghazi who, in a limited capacity due to intense shelling, had kept insisting in his talks through his cell phone that the soldiers had killed hundreds of seminary students inside the building (The army admitted to killing 50 people at first but, strangely, requested 1200 burial shrouds from Abdul Sattar Edhi of the Edhi Foundation). Outside, the army told the public that it was for the safety concern of the students being used as "human shields" by Maulana Ghazi that the operation was taking its time. How could the students, if held as hostages at all, manage to sporadically and daily exit the premises in large numbers? Why wouldn't even ten students testify to their condition of being "human shields" inside the complex after being free? All the more surprisingly, the same army which claimed to show restraint towards these students mercilessly killed innocent civilians last year in Kaohlu, Dera Bugti, Gwader and Turbat districts of Balochistan during its massive crackdown using helicopter gunships, tanks and F-16 jet fighters (85% killed in Dera Bugti were women and children) . Nor was the safety of civilians a worry during the army operation in the autonomous tribal regions last year where medium artillery and fighter jets were liberally used to bomb the locals into submission.   

And then emerges the allegation of the presence of dangerous foreign militants inside the building. Ijaz ul Haq, the minister of Religious Affairs, claimed them as "wanted terrorists inside and outside the country". Initially, Musharraf was reported as saying: "al-Qaida is sheltering in it" which later became "the mosque sheltered militants linked to al-Qaida", still later, the army spokesperson Gen. Wahid Arshad denied the presence of al-Qaida or Taliban altogether. The eventual line was concerning the presence of "foreign militants" whose names and country of origin would not be revealed. How is it that the military government which takes the most extreme measures to ensure Islamabad 's security discovered the presence of wanted foreign militants only during the operation? After the operation, the army clumsily pointed out to some completely charred bodies as those of the foreign militants, some of whom were later identified by their relatives as Pakistanis. 

The claim of an incredible stash of weapons in possession of the militants inside the mosque complex also appears to be a blatant lie. In a country where AK-47s are as common as credit cards, thanks to the Pakistani army, Maulana Ghazi admitted the presence of fourteen AK-47s but completely denied the government's claim and offered the army to allow the media to enter the complex and see for itself. The army claimed the militants had light and sub-machine guns, rocket launchers, AK-47s, hand grenades, plastic explosives, petrol bombs and land mines. After the operation, journalists taken on a guided tour expressed surprise at the sight of "˜unused rocket launchers' found inside the complex. If our efficient ISI could locate within hours the rooftop of a Rawalpindi house from which the anti-aircraft gun was fired at Musharraf's plane on July 17, 2007, how could they not have known a large presence of weapons inside the Red Mosque complex which was frequented by the ISI and is located a few miles away from the Presidency and the intelligence head quarters?

Views of the rooms later opened to journalists showed completely blackened walls, ceilings and floors, produced by heat of such a degree that it managed to melt the ceiling fans. Dozens of dead bodies according to the official report were charred head to toe beyond recognition. This was no ordinary fire. In all likelihood the army used some sort of a banned incendiary weapon inside the complex as a desperate measure to quicken the pace of the operation. The deceased were then shipped in sealed wooden boxes to their burial sites. The relatives' request to see the faces of their loved ones before burial was stringently denied. What was the army trying to hide: The number of the dead or the traces of weapons used? Or both? One Indian intelligence report claims that the soldiers used nerve gas against the complex occupants. (Curiously, Wahid Arshad, the army spokesperson kept talking of "sanitization" of the area before media could be allowed in for guided tours).       

The death of Maulana Abdul Rashid Ghazi is shrouded in mystery as well. He was made the ultimate villain of the whole drama for allegedly holding hundreds of seminary students against their will to assure his own safety and escape. Yet the army spokesperson Brig. Javed Cheema described his death as such:

"Ghazi came out with four or five militants who kept firing at security forces. The troops responded and in the crossfire he was killed"

If true, Maulana Ghazi would have to be the dullest hostage taker in history. Why would he isolate himself from the "˜hostages' (his security) and come out from the basement with a handful of men to face SSG commandos in a firefight? In all possibility, he was killed right after surrender or he fought the forces by himself till death. According to Maulana Ghazi, his 80 year old ailing mother in bed, however, was killed by bullets fired by a team of commandos from the rooftop. Her body as well as Maulana Ghazi's son's dead body later turned out to be burned beyond recognition.      

The Musharraf government never wanted the negotiations to succeed. Maulana Abul Rashid Ghazi had accepted to surrender, return to his ancestral village under house arrest, be judged by a judicial inquiry against him with a possibility of arrest if found guilty, aid in the arrest of 15 militants to the government and handover the Red Mosque complex to Wafaq-ul Madaris. The ulama delegation claims that the draft of the proposed agreement was unilaterally amended by Musharraf at the last moment.  Maulana Ghazi rejected the amended draft which apparently called for the unconditional arrest of 50 of his acquaintances, leading to Musharraf's signal to initiate the attack.  The News (July 23, 07) reported that minutes before the raid Ghazi's telephone was jammed by the intelligence agencies cutting him off from contact with the outside world, thus derailing the negotiations for good.  The Red Mosque and Jamia Hafsa were stormed by troops thereafter. Abdul Rashid Ghazi, along with hundreds of seminary students, was killed. The chief civilian negotiator on behalf of Musharraf, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussein, was widely reported as having blamed the government for derailing the talks.

According to the reports, the last words of Maulana Ghazi were:

"We did not commit any crime, for which we are being punished in such a way; the government is using reckless blind force against us with aggressive designs"¦this is gross injustice; the people conducting the operation are American agents and carrying out this operation on USA bidding"¦Now I am sure to be martyred"

Musharraf and his supporters kept harping at the "˜writ of the state' argument through out the killings which, according to them, was challenged when brothel owners were taken and detained in the mosque and the neighborhood shops were purged of pornographic paraphernalia by the seminary students. Perhaps. But we ask them:  Where was the writ of the state at work when the Islamabad police officials were approached a dozen times by the Red mosque administration to close down the flesh trade of Aunti Shamim and to arrest the perpetrators but were largely ignored? There are reportedly over 43 brothels in Islamabad alone. Where was the writ of the state when Dr. Shazia Naz was brutally assaulted and raped by the son of Musharraf's longtime friend - only to be eventually honorably acquitted? Where was the writ of the state on May 12^th when the MQM rogues openly brandished weapons on the streets and fired on people under news cameras killing 50 and injuring hundreds?  Where is the writ of the state to ensure protection against hundreds of armed robberies that occur daily in all major cities of Pakistan ? Where was the writ of the state when Musharraf detained and tortured Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry in the presence of three heads of intelligence agencies in order to force him to resign?

Of course, Musharraf ensures that the writ of the state applies only when Islamic values are supported and fought for. Incidentally, the renowned political analyst and reporter, Hamid Mir, mentioned in his recent Jang article of a female minister taking part in the inauguration ceremony of a dance club with a wine bar at F-10/3 Islamabad the very next day of the Red Mosque military operation. Indeed, it is a time for celebration according to the creators of "˜Enlightened Moderation'. 

While it was true that some of the seminary students had kidnapped alleged brothel owners for a time and then released them, raided a few shops selling banned items, and talked of implementing Islamic Law in all of Pakistan by force (sheer naiveté, if you ask me), they could not understand why the army had treated them like the nation's enemy "“ a nation founded in the name of Islam. Perhaps Maulana did not fully realize that under Gen. Musharraf the Pakistani army had become a paid servant of its masters in Washington . Musharraf after having earned the "˜victory' over Red Mosque was instructed by the US to immediately take the war to the tribal areas where tens of thousands of Pakistani troops are being deployed in order to initiate a ruthless and a bloody campaign against local farmers labeled  "˜the Taleban'. In order to encourage and reward Musharraf in wake of his proud massacre, the US recently supplied Pakistan with 2 F-16 fully-refurbished fighter jets with 23 more F-16s to be delivered within a month. These jets are widely expected to be used in the bombing missions in the tribal areas in the near future. The US has also doubled the bounty on Bin Laden to $ 50,000,000 dollars and it is being hinted by the US administration that the American troops in Afghanistan may enter Pakistan 's tribal areas in order to search for and freely kill suspected Taleban. How distressing it is that the nation's army reared and maintained by Pakistani taxpayers to protect them against a foreign threat has itself became a major source of threat for the Pakistanis.

Gen. Musharraf, who took over power of a nation unconstitutionally by ousting a democratically elected Prime Minister, recently called Talebanization as "˜the greatest threat to Pakistani society'. Talebanization is not and never was "˜the greatest threat' to Pakistani society but it is the military intrusion in the political process, the judiciary and foreign and domestic policy of a nation for the past 60 years which has proved disastrous for its economy, national image, and the rule of law time and time again. Talebanization, if there is such a thing, is a mere symptom of a corrupt system where opportunity and justice favor a select few "“ usually in uniform. This intrusion has been profitable for the army Generals indeed. Ayesha Siddiqua's latest book, Military Inc. "“ The Politics of Military Economy in Pakistan , looks closely into the military's vast commercial and economic interests in economic predation since 1953. In a country where half the population does not have access to clean water and 40 million live below the poverty line, a major general in the Pakistani army is worth 300 million rupees and a full general is worth 500 million rupees plus. According to colonization of land Act of 1912, the bulk of the 10 percent of land anywhere in Pakistan goes to the army generals. Compare 2 percent of GDP spent on education to over 40 percent spent on Defense. Currently under Musharraf, generals and brigadiers after being retired are being appointed as directors of civil departments, thus blocking the growth of civilians who slog away their whole lives for such posts. The retired army officials earn full pensions and salaries and, on top, attempt to make as much money as possible in as little time as possible through corrupt measures. It is of no wonder that according to Transparency International, Corruption Perception Index (CPI) of Pakistan rated at 92 in 2003 has risen to 142 under Musharraf rule and is the highest in all of South Asian countries.

The worst blotch however on the face of this military government is not the public looting or undermining the judiciary but the policy of mystery disappearances and whole scale murder of its own people under US dictates. A decade ago, the fat-bellied generals earned billions by handing guns to the madrasah orphans and kicking their backs into  battle against the Soviets in the name of jihad, and who now make billions by shooting them down under the garb of Bush's "˜War against Terrorism'.  As expected in the history of military rulers in Pakistan , the US will exploit Musharraf to the fullest in this bloody war and, ultimately, after having caused enough carnage through him, will have him "˜eliminated' from within his own ranks. Musharraf will be replaced; the show will go on.

All Pakistan-loving people over the world pray that the patriotic and religious element in the army stands up against the role the entire army is being led to play by a select few in this ugly war. The time has come for the junior officers to answer the call of duty and conscience by refusing to take any part in the slaughter of fellow Muslim Pakistanis. The nation has trained you, groomed you, and affords you while holding high expectations from you to defend it against those with evil designs against it "“ not to ally with those who wish to see Pakistan weak and destroyed. The top brass of the army has always led the country towards battlefield defeats and humiliation in the past, but it is you, of the junior ranks, who have sacrificed with their lives whenever called upon by the nation to protect it from harm.

Today, the same nation calls upon you for protection. So,

Say NO to picking up the gun against another Pakistani.

Say NO to kidnap and torture of your own countrymen.

Say NO to allowing Pakistan 's enemies to use our resources to attack us.

Sheharyar Shaikh is the President of North American Muslim Foundation. He is specializing in contemporary Islamic thought and modernity