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"Let there arise out of you a band of people inviting to all that is good enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong; they are the ones to attain felicity".
(surah Al-Imran,ayat-104)
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User Name: Noman
Full Name: Noman Zafar
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Former Pakistan Brigadier spills the beans on 1971 war

The Way It Was "” Inside the Pakistan Army by Brig. (Retd.) Zahir Alam Khan has been dubbed by its Indian publisher 'Natraj' as "the first honest and no-holds-barred autobiography of a soldier in the Pakistan Army." Brig. Khan, a trained commando, himself led the forces into Longewala, an operation which was meticulously planned. However, the author said, that as there was no support to the Pakistani troops from their own Air Force, the Indian Air Force 'Hawker Hunters' had a field day bombing Pakistani tank formations as these were rendered sitting ducks.

Former Pakistan Brigadier spills the beans on 1971 war
"Tanks not supported by Air Force at Longewala"

Pakistani Army trained Mizo insurgents in East Pakistan: Brigadier Khan

"Unsuccessful coup attempt made to overthrow President Yahya Khan"


New Delhi: The Indian Air Force battered Pakistani tanks in their already-botched ground offensive at Longewala in the 1971 war, primarily because they were not supported by their own Air Force despite urgent pleadings.

- The Pakistani Army helped and trained Mizo insurgents in East Pakistan led by Laldenga.

- An unsuccessful coup attempt was made to overthrow President Yahya Khan, who handed over power to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto soon thereafter.

These are some snapshots from a book authored by a former Pakistani Brigadier, who himself arrested Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from his Dhanmondi residence in Dhaka on March 25, 1971.

The book also delves into graphic details of the situation prevailing in the then East Pakistan, which finally led to the surrender of the Pakistan Army to the Indians in 1971.

The Way It Was "” Inside the Pakistan Army by Brig. (Retd.) Zahir Alam Khan has been dubbed by its Indian publisher 'Natraj' as "the first honest and no-holds-barred autobiography of a soldier in the Pakistan Army."

Brig. Khan, a trained commando, himself led the forces into Longewala, an operation which was meticulously planned.

Under 'Operation Labbaik' as it was called, the Pakistani forces started from Reti and entered India from the Tanot area.

They were to have taken over Longewala, Ramgarh and Ghotaru and then proceed to capture Jaisalmer.

"IAF had a field day"

However, the author said, that as there was no support to the Pakistani troops from their own Air Force, the Indian Air Force 'Hawker Hunters' had a field day bombing Pakistani tank formations as these were rendered sitting ducks.

"The IAF, which appeared a little after 7o'clock, flying without any opposition from the Pakistan Air Force, had four Hawker Hunters ... Anything that moved was immediately attacked, otherwise the Hunters circled for their endurance and before returning to their base, attacked the tanks that had been located."

Jammed guns

Countering commentators on the battle who claimed that the 22 Cavalry did not use its anti-aircraft machine guns, Brig. Khan said these had got jammed by the desert sand and five tank commanders were killed trying to cock the jammed machine guns with their feet.

On the Mizo insurgency, Brig. Khan said, "They were being supplied food by the Government of Pakistan just across the border from Assam."

The Mizos were led by "President of Mizoram, Laldenga" whose "government" consisted of various ministers and commander-in-chief of the army.

"One of them [who] identified himself as Paulian, the Foreign Minister of Mizoram," met Brig. Khan and informed him that there were about 2,000 men and 3,000 non-combatant civilians living in the Pakistani territory and these food supplies had stopped.

He said that during discussions with his seniors "I recommended that we allow them to come to Rangamati [in East Pakistan], supply them with food and then use them to clear the [Chittagong] Hill Tracts."

This suggestion was accepted by General Tikka Khan, who headed the Pakistan Army in East Pakistan then.

"I returned to Chittagong and informed Paulian that the Mizos could start coming to Rangamati, we would supply food for their army and the non-combatants, they would have to place their army under my command. Paulian was satisfied and left immediately to inform his government."

Coup bid foiled

Regarding the coup attempt against Yahya Khan, the former Brigadier said that several top Army officers had "drafted a letter asking President Yahya to resign and hand over power or else 6 Armoured Division would march on Rawalpindi and enforce his removal."

"Major General M.I. Karim, the then GOC, was asked to sign the letter and [he] did so. Col. Javed Iqbal and Col. Alim Afridi flew to Rawalpindi and delivered the letter to the CGS [Chief of General Staff] who conveyed the contents to President Yahya."

Following this, pro-Yahya sections in the Army decided to airdrop commandos on the division headquarters with plans to seize it. Thus, the coup attempt was foiled.

Eight years after the 1971 war, the author spent some time with the former Army Chief, Gen. Abdul Hamid Khan, in Lahore and had a private conversation.

"I asked him why, after announcing on the 16th [December] that the war in West Pakistan would continue, a ceasefire was announced two days later. His answer was that the Generals were not obeying orders."

Internal politics

Besides operational details, the former Pakistani Army officer provides insight into the internal politics in the force, the overzealousness as also cowardice shown by certain officers, some of whom later rose to very senior positions in the Pakistan Army echelons.

As there was a delay in launching an operation during the 1971 war, a Pakistani officer himself drove a rail rake carrying tanks at a high speed causing a major accident.

The author also spoke of one officer who used to jump into the trenches even before bombing would begin.

The officer had also got trenches dug up outside his office for no reason, Brig. Khan said, and added that the officer later rose high in the military hierarchy. "” PTI

 Reply:   March 25 "” a watershed By Ak
Replied by(Noman) Replied on (26/Mar/2008)
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March 25 "” a watershed


By Akhtar Payami

DHAKA: March 25, 1971. The incessant roar of gunfire dominated the midnight hour. Petrified men, women and children huddled together in their homes not knowing what the future held for them. Only the previous day they had witnessed the hoisting of a new national flag. Pakistan's star and crescent ensign had not been unfurled as before.

That had led to a confrontation between the security forces and the 'miscreants' agitating for the independence of Bangladesh. What happened on that fateful night became part of our disjointed history. It was target killing of another kind. If you were a Bengali, or looked like one, you faced certain death.

We didn't know about that until the next morning. I was then living in an apartment in a multi-ethnic, middle-class locality of Dhaka. For years we had lived in amity with our neighbours sharing each other's joys and sorrows. But feelings were changing. Friendships were giving way to animosity. Suspicion and distrust soured relationships.

When the curfew was lifted for a few hours in the morning of March 26, I stepped out of my apartment to shop for some food for the family. Suddenly I was stopped by a car that screeched to a halt besides me. The occupants asked me brusquely where I was going. When I told them why I was out on the street at a time when most preferred the safety of their homes, they offered to take me to the market which was not far and insisted that I accompany them. I realised that all was not well and they were looking for easy targets.

I then began talking to them in highly Persianised Urdu to establish my ethnic identity. I was wearing a kurta and pyjama that was and still remains the attire of Muslim Bengalis. By then the urban population had discarded the lungi which previously distinguished the natives from the migrants.

After driving a short distance, my 'benefactors' realised that this was a case of mistaken identity. They lost interest in including me in their wild killing spree. Hurriedly, they dropped me by the roadside saying they had an urgent chore and therefore could not take me to the market. I thanked my stars.

We never came to know how many people were killed on that terrible night. Later we learnt that among the unfortunate victims were leading intellectuals, writers, professors, artists, poets and exceptionally bright professionals. Among those innocent people were Prof Guha, Prof Thakur Das and Munier Choudhry. They were patriots working tirelessly for the improvement of their homeland. The list of potential victims had been meticulously prepared with the help of the leaders and activists of some newly formed organisations called Al Shams and Al Badr.

Though such allegations were refuted vociferously by the government, it was generally believed that there was a great deal of truth in the rumours that were circulating. The bodies of the slain were later discovered scattered in the vicinity of Mohammadpur, a housing colony which was founded by Field Marshal Ayub Khan for the rehabilitation of Muslims uprooted from India.

The massacre of March 25 backfired. The public anger at the killing of Bengali intellectuals exposed the minority Urdu-speaking population to the vendetta that was inevitable. They were isolated and thereafter lived in perpetual fear that instilled in them a ghetto mentality they could never shed. For years they had chased illusions and false images while claiming a sham superiority in number and intellect that simply did not exist.

Without attempting to assimilate themselves into the local population, the Urdu speakers trumpeted their links with West Pakistan while repudiating the language and culture of the Bengalis whose political aspirations they contemptuously rejected.

Hence in 1971, when the liberation struggle reached a decisive stage, the Urdu speakers vehemently supported the army action. When the Bengali resistance managed to cut off supply of essential food to the cantonment areas, the Urdu speakers stepped in to provide the security agencies with all necessary facilities. Had they not done so, the Pakistan Army would have faced certain death.

March 25 marks a watershed in our chequered history. The following day, furious Bengalis assembled to announced the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign state. The proclamation of independence was written on a scrap of paper torn from an exercise book which was read out in an open place at a meeting of top Awami League leaders. Thenceforth March 26 came to be observed by Bangladesh as its official independence day.

Today when our leaders proudly speak of Pakistan having survived for sixty years, they fail to mention that the Pakistan we have today is not the country that was born in 1947. The politicians who followed the Quaid failed to understand the psyche of the people of the eastern wing. The dynamics of political power, economic resources, and language and culture eluded our leadership. This schism existed even at the local level between the refugees from India and the indigenous population.

India had faced a similar problem vis-à-vis the uprooted people from Sindh and Punjab. But they were quickly assimilated in the areas where they settled and the crisis was overcome thanks to the country's democratic structures. This process was never initiated in East Pakistan.

It is a legacy of this failure that several hundred thousand men and women continue to languish today in the so-called Geneva camps scattered all over Bangladesh. They suffer on account of the sins of their ancestors.

http://www.dawn.com/2008/03/25/op.htm#4
 
 
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