so i think, if supporting army is biggest blunder by the politicians then we should get rid of those who are standing beside them at the moment, not to fight those who are against

Replied by(sacha_pakistani) Replied on (10/Oct/2007)

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Jamaat-e-Islami?s new-found love for democracy has baffled many as it is the party which has voluntarily been siding with military dictators since they have been making coups d`etat and capturing political power in the country. JI leader Qazi Hussain Ahmad?s ultra-activism and impatience for a democratic polity has made his allies in the newly-formed All Pakistan Democratic Movement worried and also reluctant in keeping up with his marching pace. Even, some leaders of Pakistan Muslim League (N) have privately expressed their suspicions regarding Qazi?s activities, particularly filing petitions in the Supreme Court against General Musharraf?s election as the president. Earlier, Jamaat-e-Islami was instrumental in seducing Nawaz Sharif for leaving the Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD) and making a new alliance, APDM, of anti-PPP political parties. But when Nawaz Sharif attempted to comeback in haste putting a lot at stake, JI and other parties of MMA left PML-N alone to face the music, thus making the military dictator stronger in the end. It seems Jamaat-e-Islami is not prepared to accept changing geo-strategic and geo-political scenario in the region, and changing role of the Pakistan military i.e. from defenders of ?ideological borders? to crusaders against ?extremism and terrorism? even though it has allegedly been stemming out of Islamic militant groups. On the face of it, General Musharraf has been assigned to push the ideology of ?enlightened moderation? and secular values in the state and society, and there is apparently no room for ?Islami Iquilab? any more for which Jamaat-e-Islami workers were trained and tuned. It is said that Jamaat-e-Islami?s long affair with the military is over, and in the changing scenario, the new darling of the military is Maulana Fazalur Rahman and his party, Jamiat ulma-e-Islam (JUI). The Maulana is more influential in borders areas where the ?war against terrorism? is going on, and, traditionally, JUI is familiar working with secular parties since long. Historically, after Maulana Maudoodi, the founder of the party, JI was more a political rather than a religious or ideological party. After 1960s, the only ideology of the party was to ?provide political support to the military and capitalism lead by the US? primarily to contain socialism and communism. During the civil war in the then East Pakistan, JI supported military dictator General Yahya Khan and developed armed youth groups in the shape of ?Al-Badr? and ?Al-Shams? to support the Pakistan army against Bengali people. During General Zia-ul-Haq?s dictatorship, JI was the first partner of the government formed by the military. Later, the party?s cadre was at the forefront in the war against communist government in Kabul and against the Soviet forces when they intervened to save the communist government. Incidentally, this scribe was one of the three journalists who interviewed Gulbadin Hikmatyar in 1983 in Peshawar as a result of an arrangement made by Jamaat-e-Islami. Jamaat-e-Islami also worked with intelligence agencies during jehad against Indian forces in the Indian occupied Kashmir. The JI?s mujahideen were on the forefront in Jehad-e-Kashmir. However, with the end of cold war and with the change in geo-strategic and geo-political needs, the jehadi role of Jamaat-e-Islami diminished. Its mujahideen are no more needed to fight against Indian army or in Afghanistan. A number of new outfits have emerged which are playing their role in the changing circumstances. JUI has replaced JI as far as cooperation with military and intelligence agencies is concerned. Politically, Jamaat-e-Islami is losing ground also. It has lost its monopoly over ?Islami Inquilab? as there are many new champions of Islamic cause with more power and resources and who are even challenging the capitalist world. JI was powerful with the moral, financial and political support of business and trading class in big urban centers, particularly in Punjab and Sindh provinces. It was powerful because of its students? wing, Islami Jamiat-e-Talba (IJT), which ruled over the universities and colleges of Punjab and of Karachi. But with the passage of time, a large part of the business and trading class went with Nawaz Sharif in Punjab and with Altaf Hussain in Karachi. Recently, JI and IJT made some attempts to re-establish their control at least in the educational institutions in Lahore and Karachi, but their attempts have been thwarted either by the local administrations or by the rival political group. Ironically, JI is now led by Qazi Hussain Ahmad who is a Pushtoon and belongs to NWFP, a province which has never been considered a stronghold of JI. True, it is partner in NWFP government with JUI, but that is result of another political game i.e. formation of MMA with the support of intelligence agencies. The irony is that JI metamorphosized into a more political entity during the past three decades, while the general sentiments in Pushtoon areas of NWFP are religious, and people are inclined to more religious as well as militaristic outfits. In the given situation, JI sees no future if the general elections are held in the country. Its allies in the MMA are ditching it. In utter frustration, Qazi tries to catch every straw which could save his party from sinking. Apparently, he is leading a campaign to topple General Musharraf, but in reality, he takes steps which ultimately strengthen the general and the military. Qazi himself played a role in making General Musharraf president for five years and blocking the way of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif through 17th Amendment in the Constitution and now has challenged the same in the apex court. Qazi has also resigned from the parliament in protest against killings in Lal Masjid, a step taken in isolation. He is now challenging the Supreme Court judges and asking for quid-pro-quo for the support political parties provided earlier to the chief justice. It means Qazi wants a judgment on his petitions on political basis and not on legal basis, thus dragging the courts again in political arena. Qazi seems desperate to, at least, win military?s patronage back which it enjoyed so long.